Saturday, November 30, 2019

Heroes of the Texas Revolution: My Review of Brian Kilmeade's Sam Houston and the Alamo Avengers

On July 26, 1863, an ailing, 70-year old man lay stricken with pneumonia in the sweltering parlor of his home in Huntsville, Texas. Surrounded by his wife and children, the veteran and exiled politician coughed away his last breaths. His final words, reportedly addressed to his wife, were: "Texas, Margaret, Texas." That man was Sam Houston.

Houston's death occurred in the midst of the American Civil War -- the same month that Union forces secured the Mississippi River by capturing Vicksburg and that Confederate General Robert E. Lee suffered a devastating loss at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. With the nation's attention locked on the Civil War, few took notice of Houston's death. And his funeral, held at his home, was lightly attended. Indeed, Houston himself was not as highly regarded as he once had been. As governor of Texas, he opposed his state's secession from the United States in 1861. And for this, he was deposed from office -- forced into retirement. The exiled leader of the state to which he had given so much could only watch as the United States tore itself apart and, as he had predicted, the war's fortunes turned against the South.

Whatever the attendance at his funeral, the impact of Sam Houston on the history of not only Texas, but the United States overall can hardly be disputed. In Exiled: The Last Days of Sam Houston, biographer Ron Rozelle declares: "His stamp is on every inch of the western United States. And his almost unbelievable résumé — commanding general of an army of liberation, twice the president of a republic, U.S. senator, governor of two states — is unparalleled by anyone in American history."

It was indeed a legacy difficult for Americans to ignore, and in the decades following the American Civil War, Sam Houston's reputation enjoyed a resurgence. A symbol of that resurgence was the replacement of the humble marker on his grave with a majestic, marble gravestone scuplted by Pompeo Coppini in 1936 as part of Texas' Centennial celebration. An inscription on the new stone read: "“The World Will Take Care of Houston’s Fame." It's a quote attributed to Houston's longtime friend and mentor, Andrew Jackson.

And yet...

Much of the world today - or at least much of America today - has not done well in preserving Sam Houston's legacy.

In recent years, revisionist history driven by identity politics and social justice progressivism has savaged the legacy and reputation of many traditional American heroes. Textbooks have been revised, statues to numerous figures of the past have been removed (or vandalized), scores of schools have been renamed, and narratives of guilt and shame have increasingly replaced those of heroism and achievement.

In fairness, it is appropriate to periodically revisit historical legacies and narratives as new information comes to light. It's also commendable to shine a light on previously ignored or marginalized people. But this writer can't help but conclude that the movements of historical revisionism and social justice have gone much further than warranted. Today, it often feels that many people would rather condemn or erase history than learn from it. What's more, complex figures such as Houston are increasingly lost in a binary insistence on agenda-driven or identity-driven categorizations and the drive for political correctness. 

This culture tug-of-war, and its impact on how America remembers its past, is what drives Brian Kilmeade to write his page-turning stories from history. His books bring to life the characters and events of the past in a way that appeals to average Americans, including those who may have been bored in history class! Readers of this blog will recall my recent review of another Kilmeade title: Andrew Jackson and the Miracle of New Orleans. Kilmeade has also written The New York Times bestsellers George Washington's Secret Six and Thomas Jefferson and the Tripoli Pirates.

In Sam Houston and the Alamo Avengers: The Texas Victory That Changed American History, Kilmeade brings to life the birth of the Lone Star State -- specifically its fight for independence from Mexico. Kilmeade's book reveals how Mexico at first welcomed American settlers into Texas, then a territory of Mexico. But, soon, the cruel policies and imperious appetites of Mexico's dictator changed everything. Growing frustrations on the part of not only American settlers, but Tejano residents as well, led to political resistance, then resentment, and finally rebellion on the part of Texas. The villain in Kilmeade's book is of course the Mexican dictator: General Antonio de López de Santa Anna (full name: Antonio de Padua María Severino López de Santa Anna y Pérez de Lebrón).

In 1836, the Mexican army led by General Santa Anna savagely massacred Texians at the Alamo (including those who tried to flee and some, reportedly including Davy Crockett, who were taken prisoner) and then Goliad (after they had surrendered). It defies the imagination for anyone to see such actions in a positive light or to explain such barbarism away. These atrocities galvanized rage on the part of the surviving Texians. And soon thereafter, General Sam Houston would lead his tiny army of rag-tag settlers to a stunning, dramatic victory at the Battle of San Jacinto. The victory took only 18 minutes! A captured, and disgraced, Santa Anna agreed to grant Texas its independence.

In 21st century America, it is fashionable (at least among those on the left and those who don't know any better) to cast the Texas Revolution and the subsequent US-Mexican War as nothing more than American imperialism and a white supremacist oppression of a weaker neighbor. It is difficult for Americans today, particularly in the Age of Trump, to divorce the past from the present. Your view of the 1836 Texas Revolution is likely deeply influenced by how you view US-Mexico relations and border politics today.

This is unfortunate.

The people of 1836 deserve to have their lives and times viewed and understood in an 1836 context. And this is what Brian Kilmeade strives to achieve.

The facts are that Mexico, still unstable itself after only recently gaining independence from Spain, was under the brutal grasp of an opportunistic, manipulative, and charismatic despot. The Texians, in spite of their flaws, were justified to resist such oppression. To view Santa Anna (and those who willingly supported him) as victims is an epic distortion of history.

That said, it's not my claim (or Kilmeade's) that the Texians were all righteous angels always on the side of good. Kilmeade acknowledges the revenge-fueled bloodlust that overtook Houston's army at San Jacinto, making it impossible for Houston and his officers to restrain their men from murdering many Mexicans who surrendered. What's more, Texas was most certainly not in the right with respect to slavery. Mexico abolished slavery in 1829 (though an exception for Texas remained in effect until the following year). Many slaves were granted freedom by the Mexican army, including the slave of William Barrett Travis, the commander of the Alamo. A sad and terrible legacy of the Texas Revolution is that slavery was made legal again in 1836 when Texas ratified its new constitution. Its legality was reaffirmed when Texas was annexed by the United States as a slave state in 1845. Kilmeade does not spend much time in his book talking about the history of slavery in Texas, but he doesn't ignore it either. He acknowledges that many heroes of the Texas Revolution were slave owners. And he explains how the politics of slavery in the United States, particularly the balance of slave states versus free states with respect to representation in the U.S. House of Representatives, is what stalled Texas' annexation into the U.S.

The reprehensive nature of slavery and the tragic impact it had on so many people should not be ignored. Yet this does not change the fact that Santa Anna was an evil dictator who drove Texas to rebellion and revolution, nor does it erase the courage or heroism (though it may admittedly diminish it some) of those on the Texian side who fought for independence.

We in American society today must come to a place where we can celebrate the good of history while acknowledging, mourning, and learning from the bad. We mustn't go all one way or all the other. We must find the right balance. Only then can we move forward together and constructively as a nation. And in that balance, I believe we can regard men like Sam Houston, Stephen Austin, Davy Crockett, William Travis, and Jim Bowie as heroes. Perfect? Hardly. Flawed? Definitely. But heroes nonetheless.

Some may scoff at a Fox News personality writing on history. Those in the proverbial ivory towers of academia lead such scoffing. After all, only credentialed, peer-reviewed scholars are qualified to write on history. At least that's what many smugly claim. It's certainly not my intention to disparage academic credentials. I support higher education and chafe at how too many Americans casually dismiss intellectual pursuits. At the same time, earning an advanced degree does not give one a monopoly on truth. And Brian Kilmeade shows himself not only capable of accessing the facts of history, but also weaving those facts together in a way that reads like a page-turning novel. For this, he should be appreciated. And his books should be read.

Friday, July 05, 2019

Frederick Douglass' Great Speech: What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?

The famous speech by Frederick Douglass given at Corinthian Hall in Rochester, New York before the Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society is in the news today. Since many (including a rather prominent former NFL quarterback turned activist) are quoting only portions of the speech - often out of context - allow me to provide the speech for you in its entirety.

Frederick Douglass escaped from slavery in Maryland and became a national abolitionist leader in Massachusetts and New York. His oratorical prowess and voluminous writings made him a household name and cemented his status as a social reformer and activist for many years.

His famous Fourth of July speech (actually delivered on July 5) in 1852 is one of the greatest speeches in American history. It is a magnificent oration calling out the American people for their hypocrisy in extolling certain virtues and principles in the American founding while, at the same time, countenancing, profiting from, and (in many cases) practicing slavery. But contrary to popular misconception, Douglass' intent (made clear when you read his entire speech) wasn't to simply bash America. It was to wake Americans up and call them (via Douglass' full righteous indignation) to live out the principles they claimed to espouse.


*************

"What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?"
Speech by Frederick Douglass
Rochester, NY - July 5, 1852

Mr. President, Friends and Fellow Citizens:

He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with greater distrust of my ability, than I do this day. A feeling has crept over me, quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apologies of this sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I trust, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country schoolhouses, avails me nothing on the present occasion.

The papers and placards say, that I am to deliver a 4th [of] July oration. This certainly sounds large, and out of the common way, for it is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful Hall, and to address many who now honor me with their presence. But neither their familiar faces, nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian Hall, seems to free me from embarrassment.

The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is considerable — and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to the former, are by no means slight. That I am here to-day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised, if in what I have to say I evince no elaborate preparation, nor grace my speech with any high sounding exordium. With little experience and with less learning, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together; and trusting to your patient and generous indulgence, I will proceed to lay them before you.

This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the 4th of July. It is the birthday of your National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. This celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad, fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men; but nations number their years by thousands. According to this fact, you are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still lingering in the period of childhood. I repeat, I am glad this is so. There is hope in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower above the horizon. The eye of the reformer is met with angry flashes, portending disastrous times; but his heart may well beat lighter at the thought that America is young, and that she is still in the impressible stage of her existence. May he not hope that high lessons of wisdom, of justice and of truth, will yet give direction to her destiny? Were the nation older, the patriot’s heart might be sadder, and the reformer’s brow heavier. Its future might be shrouded in gloom, and the hope of its prophets go out in sorrow. There is consolation in the thought that America is young. Great streams are not easily turned from channels, worn deep in the course of ages. They may sometimes rise in quiet and stately majesty, and inundate the land, refreshing and fertilizing the earth with their mysterious properties. They may also rise in wrath and fury, and bear away, on their angry waves, the accumulated wealth of years of toil and hardship. They, however, gradually flow back to the same old channel, and flow on as serenely as ever. But, while the river may not be turned aside, it may dry up, and leave nothing behind but the withered branch, and the unsightly rock, to howl in the abyss-sweeping wind, the sad tale of departed glory. As with rivers so with nations.

Fellow-citizens, I shall not presume to dwell at length on the associations that cluster about this day. The simple story of it is that, 76 years ago, the people of this country were British subjects. The style and title of your “sovereign people” (in which you now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government; and England as the fatherland. This home government, you know, although a considerable distance from your home, did, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, impose upon its colonial children, such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed wise, right and proper.

But, your fathers, who had not adopted the fashionable idea of this day, of the infallibility of government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home government in respect to the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and restraints. They went so far in their excitement as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to. I scarcely need say, fellow-citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully accords with that of your fathers. Such a declaration of agreement on my part would not be worth much to anybody. It would, certainly, prove nothing, as to what part I might have taken, had I lived during the great controversy of 1776. To say now that America was right, and England wrong, is exceedingly easy. Everybody can say it; the dastard, not less than the noble brave, can flippantly discant on the tyranny of England towards the American Colonies. It is fashionable to do so; but there was a time when to pronounce against England, and in favor of the cause of the colonies, tried men’s souls. They who did so were accounted in their day, plotters of mischief, agitators and rebels, dangerous men. To side with the right, against the wrong, with the weak against the strong, and with the oppressed against the oppressor! here lies the merit, and the one which, of all others, seems unfashionable in our day. The cause of liberty may be stabbed by the men who glory in the deeds of your fathers. But, to proceed.

Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. Their conduct was wholly unexceptionable. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they persevered. They were not the men to look back.

As the sheet anchor takes a firmer hold, when the ship is tossed by the storm, so did the cause of your fathers grow stronger, as it breasted the chilling blasts of kingly displeasure. The greatest and best of British statesmen admitted its justice, and the loftiest eloquence of the British Senate came to its support. But, with that blindness which seems to be the unvarying characteristic of tyrants, since Pharaoh and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea, the British Government persisted in the exactions complained of.

The madness of this course, we believe, is admitted now, even by England; but we fear the lesson is wholly lost on our present ruler.

Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so, than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent (as has been intimated) of that day, were, of course, shocked and alarmed by it.

Such people lived then, had lived before, and will, probably, ever have a place on this planet; and their course, in respect to any great change, (no matter how great the good to be attained, or the wrong to be redressed by it), may be calculated with as much precision as can be the course of the stars. They hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! Of this sort of change they are always strongly in favor.

These people were called Tories in the days of your fathers; and the appellation, probably, conveyed the same idea that is meant by a more modern, though a somewhat less euphonious term, which we often find in our papers, applied to some of our old politicians.

Their opposition to the then dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but, amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it.

On the 2d of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. They did so in the form of a resolution; and as we seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day whose transparency is at all equal to this, it may refresh your minds and help my story if I read it.

“Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, dissolved.”

Citizens, your fathers made good that resolution. They succeeded; and to-day you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is yours; and you, therefore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fact in your nation’s history — the very ring-bolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destiny.

Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ring-bolt to the chain of your nation’s destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.

From the round top of your ship of state, dark and threatening clouds may be seen. Heavy billows, like mountains in the distance, disclose to the leeward huge forms of flinty rocks! That bolt drawn, that chain broken, and all is lost. Cling to this day — cling to it, and to its principles, with the grasp of a storm-tossed mariner to a spar at midnight.

The coming into being of a nation, in any circumstances, is an interesting event. But, besides general considerations, there were peculiar circumstances which make the advent of this republic an event of special attractiveness.

The whole scene, as I look back to it, was simple, dignified and sublime.

The population of the country, at the time, stood at the insignificant number of three millions. The country was poor in the munitions of war. The population was weak and scattered, and the country a wilderness unsubdued. There were then no means of concert and combination, such as exist now. Neither steam nor lightning had then been reduced to order and discipline. From the Potomac to the Delaware was a journey of many days. Under these, and innumerable other disadvantages, your fathers declared for liberty and independence and triumphed.

Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. They were great men too — great enough to give fame to a great age. It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men. The point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory.

They loved their country better than their own private interests; and, though this is not the highest form of human excellence, all will concede that it is a rare virtue, and that when it is exhibited, it ought to command respect. He who will, intelligently, lay down his life for his country, is a man whom it is not in human nature to despise. Your fathers staked their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, on the cause of their country. In their admiration of liberty, they lost sight of all other interests.

They were peace men; but they preferred revolution to peaceful submission to bondage. They were quiet men; but they did not shrink from agitating against oppression. They showed forbearance; but that they knew its limits. They believed in order; but not in the order of tyranny. With them, nothing was “settled” that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and humanity were “final;” not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men. They were great in their day and generation. Their solid manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.

How circumspect, exact and proportionate were all their movements! How unlike the politicians of an hour! Their statesmanship looked beyond the passing moment, and stretched away in strength into the distant future. They seized upon eternal principles, and set a glorious example in their defense. Mark them!

Fully appreciating the hardship to be encountered, firmly believing in the right of their cause, honorably inviting the scrutiny of an on-looking world, reverently appealing to heaven to attest their sincerity, soundly comprehending the solemn responsibility they were about to assume, wisely measuring the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic, did, most deliberately, under the inspiration of a glorious patriotism, and with a sublime faith in the great principles of justice and freedom, lay deep the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you.

Of this fundamental work, this day is the anniversary. Our eyes are met with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm. Banners and pennants wave exultingly on the breeze. The din of business, too, is hushed. Even Mammon seems to have quitted his grasp on this day. The ear-piercing fife and the stirring drum unite their accents with the ascending peal of a thousand church bells. Prayers are made, hymns are sung, and sermons are preached in honor of this day; while the quick martial tramp of a great and multitudinous nation, echoed back by all the hills, valleys and mountains of a vast continent, bespeak the occasion one of thrilling and universal interest — a nation’s jubilee.

Friends and citizens, I need not enter further into the causes which led to this anniversary. Many of you understand them better than I do. You could instruct me in regard to them. That is a branch of knowledge in which you feel, perhaps, a much deeper interest than your speaker. The causes which led to the separation of the colonies from the British crown have never lacked for a tongue. They have all been taught in your common schools, narrated at your firesides, unfolded from your pulpits, and thundered from your legislative halls, and are as familiar to you as household words. They form the staple of your national poetry and eloquence.

I remember, also, that, as a people, Americans are remarkably familiar with all facts which make in their own favor. This is esteemed by some as a national trait — perhaps a national weakness. It is a fact, that whatever makes for the wealth or for the reputation of Americans, and can be had cheap! will be found by Americans. I shall not be charged with slandering Americans, if I say I think the American side of any question may be safely left in American hands.

I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other gentlemen whose claim to have been regularly descended will be less likely to be disputed than mine!

My business, if I have any here to-day, is with the present. The accepted time with God and his cause is the ever-living now.

Trust no future, however pleasant,
Let the dead past bury its dead;
Act, act in the living present,
Heart within, and God overhead.

We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future. To all inspiring motives, to noble deeds which can be gained from the past, we are welcome. But now is the time, the important time. Your fathers have lived, died, and have done their work, and have done much of it well. You live and must die, and you must do your work. You have no right to enjoy a child’s share in the labor of your fathers, unless your children are to be blest by your labors. You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence. Sydney Smith tells us that men seldom eulogize the wisdom and virtues of their fathers, but to excuse some folly or wickedness of their own. This truth is not a doubtful one. There are illustrations of it near and remote, ancient and modern. It was fashionable, hundreds of years ago, for the children of Jacob to boast, we have “Abraham to our father,” when they had long lost Abraham’s faith and spirit. That people contented themselves under the shadow of Abraham’s great name, while they repudiated the deeds which made his name great. Need I remind you that a similar thing is being done all over this country to-day? Need I tell you that the Jews are not the only people who built the tombs of the prophets, and garnished the sepulchres of the righteous? Washington could not die till he had broken the chains of his slaves. Yet his monument is built up by the price of human blood, and the traders in the bodies and souls of men shout — “We have Washington to our father.” — Alas! that it should be so; yet so it is.

The evil that men do, lives after them, The good is oft-interred with their bones.

Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions! Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold, that a nation’s sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nation’s jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the “lame man leap as an hart.”

But, such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. — The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth [of] July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, lowering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin! I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!

“By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. Yea! we wept when we remembered Zion. We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. How can we sing the Lord’s song in a strange land? If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.”

Fellow-citizens; above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, “may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!” To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the world. My subject, then fellow-citizens, is AMERICAN SLAVERY. I shall see, this day, and its popular characteristics, from the slave’s point of view. Standing, there, identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery — the great sin and shame of America! “I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;” I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.

But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, and denounce less, would you persuade more, and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely to succeed. But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a black man, (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is this but the acknowledgement that the slave is a moral, intellectual and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws, in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man!

For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing, planting and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and cyphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian’s God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men!

Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard to be understood? How should I look to-day, in the presence of Americans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? speaking of it relatively, and positively, negatively, and affirmatively. To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. — There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven, that does not know that slavery is wrong for him.

What, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employments for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.

What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who can reason on such a proposition? They that can, may; I cannot. The time for such argument is passed.

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could I reach the nation’s ear, I would, to-day, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices, more shocking and bloody, than are the people of these United States, at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the old world, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.

Take the American slave-trade, which, we are told by the papers, is especially prosperous just now. Ex-Senator Benton tells us that the price of men was never higher than now. He mentions the fact to show that slavery is in no danger. This trade is one of the peculiarities of American institutions. It is carried on in all the large towns and cities in one-half of this confederacy; and millions are pocketed every year, by dealers in this horrid traffic. In several states, this trade is a chief source of wealth. It is called (in contradistinction to the foreign slave-trade) “the internal slave trade.” It is, probably, called so, too, in order to divert from it the horror with which the foreign slave-trade is contemplated. That trade has long since been denounced by this government, as piracy. It has been denounced with burning words, from the high places of the nation, as an execrable traffic. To arrest it, to put an end to it, this nation keeps a squadron, at immense cost, on the coast of Africa. Everywhere, in this country, it is safe to speak of this foreign slave-trade, as a most inhuman traffic, opposed alike to the laws of God and of man. The duty to extirpate and destroy it, is admitted even by our DOCTORS OF DIVINITY. In order to put an end to it, some of these last have consented that their colored brethren (nominally free) should leave this country, and establish themselves on the western coast of Africa! It is, however, a notable fact that, while so much execration is poured out by Americans upon those engaged in the foreign slave-trade, the men engaged in the slave-trade between the states pass without condemnation, and their business is deemed honorable.

Behold the practical operation of this internal slave-trade, the American slave-trade, sustained by American politics and America religion. Here you will see men and women reared like swine for the market. You know what is a swine-drover? I will show you a man-drover. They inhabit all our Southern States. They perambulate the country, and crowd the highways of the nation, with droves of human stock. You will see one of these human flesh-jobbers, armed with pistol, whip and bowie-knife, driving a company of a hundred men, women, and children, from the Potomac to the slave market at New Orleans. These wretched people are to be sold singly, or in lots, to suit purchasers. They are food for the cotton-field, and the deadly sugar-mill. Mark the sad procession, as it moves wearily along, and the inhuman wretch who drives them. Hear his savage yells and his blood-chilling oaths, as he hurries on his affrighted captives! There, see the old man, with locks thinned and gray. Cast one glance, if you please, upon that young mother, whose shoulders are bare to the scorching sun, her briny tears falling on the brow of the babe in her arms. See, too, that girl of thirteen, weeping, yes! weeping, as she thinks of the mother from whom she has been torn! The drove moves tardily. Heat and sorrow have nearly consumed their strength; suddenly you hear a quick snap, like the discharge of a rifle; the fetters clank, and the chain rattles simultaneously; your ears are saluted with a scream, that seems to have torn its way to the center of your soul! The crack you heard, was the sound of the slave-whip; the scream you heard, was from the woman you saw with the babe. Her speed had faltered under the weight of her child and her chains! that gash on her shoulder tells her to move on. Follow the drove to New Orleans. Attend the auction; see men examined like horses; see the forms of women rudely and brutally exposed to the shocking gaze of American slave-buyers. See this drove sold and separated forever; and never forget the deep, sad sobs that arose from that scattered multitude. Tell me citizens, WHERE, under the sun, you can witness a spectacle more fiendish and shocking. Yet this is but a glance at the American slave-trade, as it exists, at this moment, in the ruling part of the United States.

I was born amid such sights and scenes. To me the American slave-trade is a terrible reality. When a child, my soul was often pierced with a sense of its horrors. I lived on Philpot Street, Fell’s Point, Baltimore, and have watched from the wharves, the slave ships in the Basin, anchored from the shore, with their cargoes of human flesh, waiting for favorable winds to waft them down the Chesapeake. There was, at that time, a grand slave mart kept at the head of Pratt Street, by Austin Woldfolk. His agents were sent into every town and county in Maryland, announcing their arrival, through the papers, and on flaming “hand-bills,” headed CASH FOR NEGROES. These men were generally well dressed men, and very captivating in their manners. Ever ready to drink, to treat, and to gamble. The fate of many a slave has depended upon the turn of a single card; and many a child has been snatched from the arms of its mother by bargains arranged in a state of brutal drunkenness.

The flesh-mongers gather up their victims by dozens, and drive them, chained, to the general depot at Baltimore. When a sufficient number have been collected here, a ship is chartered, for the purpose of conveying the forlorn crew to Mobile, or to New Orleans. From the slave prison to the ship, they are usually driven in the darkness of night; for since the antislavery agitation, a certain caution is observed.

In the deep still darkness of midnight, I have been often aroused by the dead heavy footsteps, and the piteous cries of the chained gangs that passed our door. The anguish of my boyish heart was intense; and I was often consoled, when speaking to my mistress in the morning, to hear her say that the custom was very wicked; that she hated to hear the rattle of the chains, and the heart-rending cries. I was glad to find one who sympathized with me in my horror.

Fellow-citizens, this murderous traffic is, to-day, in active operation in this boasted republic. In the solitude of my spirit, I see clouds of dust raised on the highways of the South; I see the bleeding footsteps; I hear the doleful wail of fettered humanity, on the way to the slave-markets, where the victims are to be sold like horses, sheep, and swine, knocked off to the highest bidder. There I see the tenderest ties ruthlessly broken, to gratify the lust, caprice and rapacity of the buyers and sellers of men. My soul sickens at the sight.

Is this the land your Fathers loved,
The freedom which they toiled to win?
Is this the earth whereon they moved?
Are these the graves they slumber in?

But a still more inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous state of things remains to be presented. By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible and revolting form. By that act, Mason and Dixon’s line has been obliterated; New York has become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women, and children as slaves remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an institution of the whole United States. The power is co-extensive with the Star-Spangled Banner and American Christianity. Where these go, may also go the merciless slave-hunter. Where these are, man is not sacred. He is a bird for the sportsman’s gun. By that most foul and fiendish of all human decrees, the liberty and person of every man are put in peril. Your broad republican domain is hunting ground for men. Not for thieves and robbers, enemies of society, merely, but for men guilty of no crime. Your lawmakers have commanded all good citizens to engage in this hellish sport. Your President, your Secretary of State, our lords, nobles, and ecclesiastics, enforce, as a duty you owe to your free and glorious country, and to your God, that you do this accursed thing. Not fewer than forty Americans have, within the past two years, been hunted down and, without a moment’s warning, hurried away in chains, and consigned to slavery and excruciating torture. Some of these have had wives and children, dependent on them for bread; but of this, no account was made. The right of the hunter to his prey stands superior to the right of marriage, and to all rights in this republic, the rights of God included! For black men there are neither law, justice, humanity, not religion. The Fugitive Slave Law makes mercy to them a crime; and bribes the judge who tries them. An American judge gets ten dollars for every victim he consigns to slavery, and five, when he fails to do so. The oath of any two villains is sufficient, under this hell-black enactment, to send the most pious and exemplary black man into the remorseless jaws of slavery! His own testimony is nothing. He can bring no witnesses for himself. The minister of American justice is bound by the law to hear but one side; and that side, is the side of the oppressor. Let this damning fact be perpetually told. Let it be thundered around the world, that, in tyrant-killing, king-hating, people-loving, democratic, Christian America, the seats of justice are filled with judges, who hold their offices under an open and palpable bribe, and are bound, in deciding in the case of a man’s liberty, hear only his accusers!

In glaring violation of justice, in shameless disregard of the forms of administering law, in cunning arrangement to entrap the defenseless, and in diabolical intent, this Fugitive Slave Law stands alone in the annals of tyrannical legislation. I doubt if there be another nation on the globe, having the brass and the baseness to put such a law on the statute-book. If any man in this assembly thinks differently from me in this matter, and feels able to disprove my statements, I will gladly confront him at any suitable time and place he may select.

I take this law to be one of the grossest infringements of Christian Liberty, and, if the churches and ministers of our country were not stupidly blind, or most wickedly indifferent, they, too, would so regard it.

At the very moment that they are thanking God for the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, and for the right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, they are utterly silent in respect to a law which robs religion of its chief significance, and makes it utterly worthless to a world lying in wickedness. Did this law concern the “mint, anise, and cumin” — abridge the right to sing psalms, to partake of the sacrament, or to engage in any of the ceremonies of religion, it would be smitten by the thunder of a thousand pulpits. A general shout would go up from the church, demanding repeal, repeal, instant repeal! — And it would go hard with that politician who presumed to solicit the votes of the people without inscribing this motto on his banner. Further, if this demand were not complied with, another Scotland would be added to the history of religious liberty, and the stern old Covenanters would be thrown into the shade. A John Knox would be seen at every church door, and heard from every pulpit, and Fillmore would have no more quarter than was shown by Knox, to the beautiful, but treacherous queen Mary of Scotland. The fact that the church of our country, (with fractional exceptions), does not esteem “the Fugitive Slave Law” as a declaration of war against religious liberty, implies that that church regards religion simply as a form of worship, an empty ceremony, and not a vital principle, requiring active benevolence, justice, love and good will towards man. It esteems sacrifice above mercy; psalm-singing above right doing; solemn meetings above practical righteousness. A worship that can be conducted by persons who refuse to give shelter to the houseless, to give bread to the hungry, clothing to the naked, and who enjoin obedience to a law forbidding these acts of mercy, is a curse, not a blessing to mankind. The Bible addresses all such persons as “scribes, Pharisees, hypocrites, who pay tithe of mint, anise, and cumin, and have omitted the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy and faith.”

But the church of this country is not only indifferent to the wrongs of the slave, it actually takes sides with the oppressors. It has made itself the bulwark of American slavery, and the shield of American slave-hunters. Many of its most eloquent Divines. who stand as the very lights of the church, have shamelessly given the sanction of religion and the Bible to the whole slave system. They have taught that man may, properly, be a slave; that the relation of master and slave is ordained of God; that to send back an escaped bondman to his master is clearly the duty of all the followers of the Lord Jesus Christ; and this horrible blasphemy is palmed off upon the world for Christianity.

For my part, I would say, welcome infidelity! welcome atheism! welcome anything! in preference to the gospel, as preached by those Divines! They convert the very name of religion into an engine of tyranny, and barbarous cruelty, and serve to confirm more infidels, in this age, than all the infidel writings of Thomas Paine, Voltaire, and Bolingbroke, put together, have done! These ministers make religion a cold and flinty-hearted thing, having neither principles of right action, nor bowels of compassion. They strip the love of God of its beauty, and leave the throng of religion a huge, horrible, repulsive form. It is a religion for oppressors, tyrants, man-stealers, and thugs. It is not that “pure and undefiled religion” which is from above, and which is “first pure, then peaceable, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy.” But a religion which favors the rich against the poor; which exalts the proud above the humble; which divides mankind into two classes, tyrants and slaves; which says to the man in chains, stay there; and to the oppressor, oppress on; it is a religion which may be professed and enjoyed by all the robbers and enslavers of mankind; it makes God a respecter of persons, denies his fatherhood of the race, and tramples in the dust the great truth of the brotherhood of man. All this we affirm to be true of the popular church, and the popular worship of our land and nation — a religion, a church, and a worship which, on the authority of inspired wisdom, we pronounce to be an abomination in the sight of God. In the language of Isaiah, the American church might be well addressed, “Bring no more vain ablations; incense is an abomination unto me: the new moons and Sabbaths, the calling of assemblies, I cannot away with; it is iniquity even the solemn meeting. Your new moons and your appointed feasts my soul hateth. They are a trouble to me; I am weary to bear them; and when ye spread forth your hands I will hide mine eyes from you. Yea! when ye make many prayers, I will not hear. YOUR HANDS ARE FULL OF BLOOD; cease to do evil, learn to do well; seek judgment; relieve the oppressed; judge for the fatherless; plead for the widow.”

The American church is guilty, when viewed in connection with what it is doing to uphold slavery; but it is superlatively guilty when viewed in connection with its ability to abolish slavery. The sin of which it is guilty is one of omission as well as of commission. Albert Barnes but uttered what the common sense of every man at all observant of the actual state of the case will receive as truth, when he declared that “There is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery an hour, if it were not sustained in it.”

Let the religious press, the pulpit, the Sunday school, the conference meeting, the great ecclesiastical, missionary, Bible and tract associations of the land array their immense powers against slavery and slave-holding; and the whole system of crime and blood would be scattered to the winds; and that they do not do this involves them in the most awful responsibility of which the mind can conceive.

In prosecuting the anti-slavery enterprise, we have been asked to spare the church, to spare the ministry; but how, we ask, could such a thing be done? We are met on the threshold of our efforts for the redemption of the slave, by the church and ministry of the country, in battle arrayed against us; and we are compelled to fight or flee. From what quarter, I beg to know, has proceeded a fire so deadly upon our ranks, during the last two years, as from the Northern pulpit? As the champions of oppressors, the chosen men of American theology have appeared — men, honored for their so-called piety, and their real learning. The Lords of Buffalo, the Springs of New York, the Lathrops of Auburn, the Coxes and Spencers of Brooklyn, the Gannets and Sharps of Boston, the Deweys of Washington, and other great religious lights of the land have, in utter denial of the authority of Him by whom they professed to be called to the ministry, deliberately taught us, against the example or the Hebrews and against the remonstrance of the Apostles, they teach that we ought to obey man’s law before the law of God.

My spirit wearies of such blasphemy; and how such men can be supported, as the “standing types and representatives of Jesus Christ,” is a mystery which I leave others to penetrate. In speaking of the American church, however, let it be distinctly understood that I mean the great mass of the religious organizations of our land. There are exceptions, and I thank God that there are. Noble men may be found, scattered all over these Northern States, of whom Henry Ward Beecher of Brooklyn, Samuel J. May of Syracuse, and my esteemed friend (Rev. R. R. Raymond) on the platform, are shining examples; and let me say further, that upon these men lies the duty to inspire our ranks with high religious faith and zeal, and to cheer us on in the great mission of the slave’s redemption from his chains.

One is struck with the difference between the attitude of the American church towards the anti-slavery movement, and that occupied by the churches in England towards a similar movement in that country. There, the church, true to its mission of ameliorating, elevating, and improving the condition of mankind, came forward promptly, bound up the wounds of the West Indian slave, and restored him to his liberty. There, the question of emancipation was a high religious question. It was demanded, in the name of humanity, and according to the law of the living God. The Sharps, the Clarksons, the Wilberforces, the Buxtons, and Burchells and the Knibbs, were alike famous for their piety, and for their philanthropy. The anti-slavery movement there was not an anti-church movement, for the reason that the church took its full share in prosecuting that movement: and the anti-slavery movement in this country will cease to be an anti-church movement, when the church of this country shall assume a favorable, instead of a hostile position towards that movement. Americans! your republican politics, not less than your republican religion, are flagrantly inconsistent. You boast of your love of liberty, your superior civilization, and your pure Christianity, while the whole political power of the nation (as embodied in the two great political parties), is solemnly pledged to support and perpetuate the enslavement of three millions of your countrymen. You hurl your anathemas at the crowned headed tyrants of Russia and Austria, and pride yourselves on your Democratic institutions, while you yourselves consent to be the mere tools and body-guards of the tyrants of Virginia and Carolina. You invite to your shores fugitives of oppression from abroad, honor them with banquets, greet them with ovations, cheer them, toast them, salute them, protect them, and pour out your money to them like water; but the fugitives from your own land you advertise, hunt, arrest, shoot and kill. You glory in your refinement and your universal education yet you maintain a system as barbarous and dreadful as ever stained the character of a nation — a system begun in avarice, supported in pride, and perpetuated in cruelty. You shed tears over fallen Hungary, and make the sad story of her wrongs the theme of your poets, statesmen and orators, till your gallant sons are ready to fly to arms to vindicate her cause against her oppressors; but, in regard to the ten thousand wrongs of the American slave, you would enforce the strictest silence, and would hail him as an enemy of the nation who dares to make those wrongs the subject of public discourse! You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or for Ireland; but are as cold as an iceberg at the thought of liberty for the enslaved of America. You discourse eloquently on the dignity of labor; yet, you sustain a system which, in its very essence, casts a stigma upon labor. You can bare your bosom to the storm of British artillery to throw off a threepenny tax on tea; and yet wring the last hard-earned farthing from the grasp of the black laborers of your country. You profess to believe “that, of one blood, God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of all the earth,” and hath commanded all men, everywhere to love one another; yet you notoriously hate, (and glory in your hatred), all men whose skins are not colored like your own. You declare, before the world, and are understood by the world to declare, that you “hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal; and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; and that, among these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;” and yet, you hold securely, in a bondage which, according to your own Thomas Jefferson, “is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose,” a seventh part of the inhabitants of your country.

Fellow-citizens! I will not enlarge further on your national inconsistencies. The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretence, and your Christianity as a lie. It destroys your moral power abroad; it corrupts your politicians at home. It saps the foundation of religion; it makes your name a hissing, and a bye-word to a mocking earth. It is the antagonistic force in your government, the only thing that seriously disturbs and endangers your Union. It fetters your progress; it is the enemy of improvement, the deadly foe of education; it fosters pride; it breeds insolence; it promotes vice; it shelters crime; it is a curse to the earth that supports it; and yet, you cling to it, as if it were the sheet anchor of all your hopes. Oh! be warned! be warned! a horrible reptile is coiled up in your nation’s bosom; the venomous creature is nursing at the tender breast of your youthful republic; for the love of God, tear away, and fling from you the hideous monster, and let the weight of twenty millions crush and destroy it forever!

But it is answered in reply to all this, that precisely what I have now denounced is, in fact, guaranteed and sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States; that the right to hold and to hunt slaves is a part of that Constitution framed by the illustrious Fathers of this Republic.

Then, I dare to affirm, notwithstanding all I have said before, your fathers stooped, basely stooped

To palter with us in a double sense:
And keep the word of promise to the ear,
But break it to the heart.

And instead of being the honest men I have before declared them to be, they were the veriest imposters that ever practiced on mankind. This is the inevitable conclusion, and from it there is no escape. But I differ from those who charge this baseness on the framers of the Constitution of the United States. It is a slander upon their memory, at least, so I believe. There is not time now to argue the constitutional question at length — nor have I the ability to discuss it as it ought to be discussed. The subject has been handled with masterly power by Lysander Spooner, Esq., by William Goodell, by Samuel E. Sewall, Esq., and last, though not least, by Gerritt Smith, Esq. These gentlemen have, as I think, fully and clearly vindicated the Constitution from any design to support slavery for an hour.

Fellow-citizens! there is no matter in respect to which, the people of the North have allowed themselves to be so ruinously imposed upon, as that of the pro-slavery character of the Constitution. In that instrument I hold there is neither warrant, license, nor sanction of the hateful thing; but, interpreted as it ought to be interpreted, the Constitution is a GLORIOUS LIBERTY DOCUMENT. Read its preamble, consider its purposes. Is slavery among them? Is it at the gateway? or is it in the temple? It is neither. While I do not intend to argue this question on the present occasion, let me ask, if it be not somewhat singular that, if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slave-holding instrument, why neither slavery, slaveholding, nor slave can anywhere be found in it. What would be thought of an instrument, drawn up, legally drawn up, for the purpose of entitling the city of Rochester to a track of land, in which no mention of land was made? Now, there are certain rules of interpretation, for the proper understanding of all legal instruments. These rules are well established. They are plain, common-sense rules, such as you and I, and all of us, can understand and apply, without having passed years in the study of law. I scout the idea that the question of the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of slavery is not a question for the people. I hold that every American citizen has a right to form an opinion of the constitution, and to propagate that opinion, and to use all honorable means to make his opinion the prevailing one. Without this right, the liberty of an American citizen would be as insecure as that of a Frenchman. Ex-Vice-President Dallas tells us that the Constitution is an object to which no American mind can be too attentive, and no American heart too devoted. He further says, the Constitution, in its words, is plain and intelligible, and is meant for the home-bred, unsophisticated understandings of our fellow-citizens. Senator Berrien tell us that the Constitution is the fundamental law, that which controls all others. The charter of our liberties, which every citizen has a personal interest in understanding thoroughly. The testimony of Senator Breese, Lewis Cass, and many others that might be named, who are everywhere esteemed as sound lawyers, so regard the constitution. I take it, therefore, that it is not presumption in a private citizen to form an opinion of that instrument.

Now, take the Constitution according to its plain reading, and I defy the presentation of a single pro-slavery clause in it. On the other hand it will be found to contain principles and purposes, entirely hostile to the existence of slavery.

I have detained my audience entirely too long already. At some future period I will gladly avail myself of an opportunity to give this subject a full and fair discussion.

Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation, which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery. “The arm of the Lord is not shortened,” and the doom of slavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. No nation can now shut itself up from the surrounding world, and trot round in the same old path of its fathers without interference. The time was when such could be done. Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. Knowledge was then confined and enjoyed by the privileged few, and the multitude walked on in mental darkness. But a change has now come over the affairs of mankind. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. The arm of commerce has borne away the gates of the strong city. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the globe. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the earth. Wind, steam, and lightning are its chartered agents. Oceans no longer divide, but link nations together. From Boston to London is now a holiday excursion. Space is comparatively annihilated. Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic, are distinctly heard on the other. The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. The fiat of the Almighty, “Let there be Light,” has not yet spent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. The iron shoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen, in contrast with nature. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. “Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God.” In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let every heart join in saying it:

God speed the year of jubilee
The wide world o’er
When from their galling chains set free,
Th’ oppress’d shall vilely bend the knee,

And wear the yoke of tyranny
Like brutes no more.
That year will come, and freedom’s reign,
To man his plundered fights again
Restore.

God speed the day when human blood
Shall cease to flow!
In every clime be understood,
The claims of human brotherhood,
And each return for evil, good,
Not blow for blow;
That day will come all feuds to end.
And change into a faithful friend
Each foe.

God speed the hour, the glorious hour,
When none on earth
Shall exercise a lordly power,
Nor in a tyrant’s presence cower;
But all to manhood’s stature tower,
By equal birth!
That hour will come, to each, to all,
And from his prison-house, the thrall
Go forth.

Until that year, day, hour, arrive,
With head, and heart, and hand I’ll strive,
To break the rod, and rend the gyve,
The spoiler of his prey deprive —
So witness Heaven!
And never from my chosen post,
Whate’er the peril or the cost,
Be driven.


Thursday, July 04, 2019

Happy Fourth of July!

Happy Independence Day everyone! Click below for my 4th of July article featured on “The American Creation” blog...

“4 Things Every American Should Know About the Fourth of July”

Wednesday, July 03, 2019

Is the Betsy Ross Flag Racist? Colin Kaepernick vs Betsy Ross on Race, Patriotism, and America's Founding

Is the thirteen-star American flag, believed to be designed by Betsy Ross, a racist symbol? And is it racially insensitive to be patriotic, especially if you honor the American founding? To Colin Kaepernick and (it would seem) many others, the answers today to the above questions are increasingly “yes.”

By now, unless you’ve been under a rock, you’ve heard that Nike decided to pull an American flag themed sneaker due to objections reportedly raised by former NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick. According to The Wall Street Journal, Kaepernick said the design of the “Air Max 1 USA” sneakers, which uses the original “Betsy Ross” American flag, is offensive to him and others as it stirs up images of slavery and oppression. “Nike has chosen not to release the Air Max 1 Quick Strike Fourth of July as it featured the old version of the American flag,” declared a Nike spokesperson.

Others have chimed in. Appearing on MSNBC, Michael Eric Dyson compared the Betsy Ross American flag to the Nazi swastika and a KKK cross-burning. Indeed, all of social media has lit up, with many agreeing with Kaepernick and Dyson.

Nike is, of course, a private company and they are free to release (or not release) whatever product they wish. And people like Dyson and Kaepernick are American citizens who are free (and should be free) to say whatever they wish. But I can’t help but be sad that racism and patriotism are becoming increasingly associated in the minds of so many today. It didn’t use to be this way, and if we don’t do something about this unfortunate association, it will only further divide us and tear us apart.

To continue with this article and read it in full, please click here ----> "Is the Betsy Ross Flag Racist?"

Wednesday, April 17, 2019

Benjamin Franklin Quotes Every American Should Know

Benjamin Franklin was an extraordinary man. Historians have (rightly) dubbed him "the First American," for his early advocacy for colonial unity and the pivotal role he played in shaping the United States. He was a printer, author, editor, philosopher, postmaster, inventor, scientist, politician, businessman, philanthropist, and diplomat. And he had a way with words.

As one of the wisest and most colorful figures in early American history, Franklin dispensed a great amount of advice and coined many sayings -- some of which remain quite famous to this day.

Here are some Benjamin Franklin quotes every American should know:

"An investment in knowledge pays the best interest."

"Without continual growth and progress, such words as improvement, achievement, and success have no meaning."

"In this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes."

"Well done is better than well said."

"A man wrapped up in himself makes a very small bundle."

"Either write something worth reading or do something worth writing."

"A Penny Saved is a Penny Earned"

"Justice will not be served until those who are unaffected are as outraged as those who are."

"By failing to prepare, you are preparing to fail." 

"How many observe Christ's birthday! How few, His precepts!"

"Three may keep a secret, if two of them are dead."

"We are all born ignorant, but one must work hard to remain stupid."

"Be at war with your vices, at peace with your neighbors, and let every new year find you a better man."

"An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure."

"Instead of cursing the darkness, light a candle."


If only more people today had the wisdom of Ben Franklin.

Tuesday, April 16, 2019

War of Rights on Steam Brings Battles of the American Civil War to Life

"War of Rights" gameplay screen image courtesy of Steam
Surfing YouTube the other night, I came across video footage of the Civil War PC game "War of Rights." I was hooked. To be honest, I remember seeing "War of Rights" available on Steam, but didn't pay it any attention. The reason being that I was used to Civil War period games being a bit underwhelming and disappointing. Some were okay, but none of them really captured the "feel" of the time period or the excitement of excellent Civil War movies like Glory or Gettysburg.

"War of Rights" is a game-changer. I've now watched quite a few videos of the PC game on YouTube, and I am indeed blown away. Not only are the graphics breathtakingly amazing, but the gameplay captures the look-and-feel of Civil War movies and reenactments.

"War of Rights" is a multiplayer game set during the American Civil War, primarily in the Maryland Campaign of September, 1862. It's produced by indie company Campfire Games and was (according to what I've read) entirely crowdfunded and powered by CRYENGINE.

I've not yet recorded any of my own gameplay. When I do, I'll probably stick a few videos up here. I know. I know. This is an American Revolution blog and not an American Civil War blog, but I hope you'll cut me a little grace on that. The American Civil War was, in any ways, the conclusion of the American Revolution. And frankly, history buffs are history buffs. Those who appreciate early American history can appreciate Civil War history as well.

For gameplay footage, check "Should you buy War of Rights?" from YouTuber "General Cody HD." The game is available on Steam.

I can't wait for a company like Campfire Games to do a similar game on the American Revolution.

Monday, April 08, 2019

Andrew Jackson Saves America: My Review of Andrew Jackson and the Miracle of New Orleans

On January 8, 1815, a formidable British force under the command of Major General Sir Edward Pakenham advanced against the city of New Orleans. The British army was larger, better equipped, better disciplined, and better trained than their American counterparts. Indeed, the motley band of American soldiers, militia, volunteers, free blacks, Choctaw warriors, and pirates defending New Orleans comprised one of the most diverse fighting forces ever fielded in battle -- and they were sorely outnumbered by the British advancing on their positions. But the American defenders had one distinct advantage: strong leadership.

And that advantage in leadership came down to one central figure...Major General Andrew Jackson.

Andrew Jackson and the Miracle of New Orleans: The Battle That Shaped America's Destiny recounts the events leading up to and surrounding this crucial battle and focuses the reader on the indispensable role played by General Jackson.

Authored by Fox News anchor Brian Kilmeade and journalist Don Yaeger, the book draws on an array of historical records, including multiple firsthand accounts (such as Jackson's own papers), to tell the tale of how Jackson saved New Orleans - and likely the United States as well. 

This is the third collaboration between Kilmeade and Yaeger. Their first was George Washington's Secret Six: The Spy Ring That Saved the American Revolution and their second was Thomas Jefferson and the Tripoli Pirates: The Forgotten War That Changed American History. With this third book in the series, they turn their focus to "Old Hickory."

Historians love to note how the Battle of New Orleans took place after the Treaty of Ghent, thus implying that the battle was meaningless. While technically correct, Kilmeade and Yaeger do a great job pointing out that Britain's move against New Orleans was intentionally planned even as their negotiators were working with the Americans on a possible treaty. 

A British capture of New Orleans would have, at the very least, given enormous leverage to Great Britain in the aftermath of the war and quite possibly have reopened treaty negotiations. At worst, Britain might have held New Orleans and thus secured a dominating position on the Mississippi River that could've crippled America's economy. As historian H.W. Brands writes: "The British plan was to capture New Orleans, drive up the Mississippi, and establish a cordon around the bumptious democracy." It would have been a devastating setback for the young nation. 

It is not much of an exaggeration to say that Andrew Jackson's decisive victory at New Orleans secured America's continued independence and provided the necessary momentum for the United States to become the dominant power of the hemisphere in the 19th century and the world's leading superpower in the next century. 

Kilmeade and Yaeger make this point beautifully and irrefutably. 

However...

Their book omits Jackson's record as a slave owner and it skims over many of his questionable and controversial decisions when he placed New Orleans under martial law. And if Kilmeade and Yaeger were so inclined, a worthy sequel to this book could be Andrew Jackson and the Trail of Tears: The Atrocity That Stained America's Honor. That would represent the other side of Andrew Jackson -- one that is just as valid as the noble hero portrayed in Andrew Jackson and the Miracle of New Orleans.

In spite of Jackson's heroism at New Orleans, the Trail of Tears justifies our removal of Jackson from the $20 bill. I remain supportive of replacing Jackson with abolitionist Harriet Tubman. 

Please don't misunderstand. I'm not one given to excessive political correctness or American self-flagellation. I'm no Howard Zinn. I believe the good in American history far outweighs the bad, and that includes early American history. As my blog readers know, I very much admire our Founding Fathers in spite of their sins and flaws. Nevertheless, I believe the bad must be acknowledged along with the good. Otherwise, we fail to learn from history. 

Andrew Jackson is one of the most flawed and controversial figures in American history. Capable of outstanding achievement and incredible bravery, he could also sink to petty violence (see his duels), cold-hearted calculation, and savage brutality. 

I'm grateful for Jackson's courage and for his inspiring leadership at New Orleans. He was there when the country needed him. But not all aspects of "the Age of Jackson" (what historians call the period of American history over which Jackson largely dominated) are positive. 

Nevertheless, at New Orleans, Andrew Jackson stood with the best of America --  both then and now. As Kilmeade and Yaeger write: "Despite the vast differences in language, ethnicity, national origin, race, social class, and countless other factors, the people who defended New Orleans recognized that what united them was stronger than what divided them."

It's a message that all Americans should read and heed today. 


Saturday, March 30, 2019

An Open Letter to George Washington University Students

March 30, 2019

Dear George Washington University Student,

Is it okay if I address you as a George Washington University student?  I ask because I've just read the news that you've voted to remove and replace your mascot -- "George the Colonial." Apparently, being the 'woke' university students that you are, you find "George the Colonial," a mascot clearly inspired by your namesake, to be inappropriate and offensive in today's world. Clearly, you find George Washington to be offensive, and I certainly don't want to cause any of you any emotional distress by mentioning his name in association with your identity as a student. That would be a micro-aggression that I would absolutely feel terrible about.

I can only surmise that it's a matter of time when you will seek to rename your university. The road to social justice, however, is traveled at different speeds. So I understand why you haven't yet succeeded in making that change. I'm sure you won't let me down.

I commend you on your "wokeness." George Washington, along with "George the Colonial" is so yesterday - I mean, so 1700s. In our enlightened age, no "woke" university should have a namesake associated in any way with the sins of our past. We are, after all, above sin today. We've progressed beyond sin. Or at least "woke" university students like yourselves have. Some of us middle-aged, middle-class, everyday Americans haven't yet caught up to your progress yet. But with students like you signaling your virtues to the rest of us, we will have the needed light to follow.

Some backward-thinking, retrograde Americans will of course say things like "George the Colonial" does not represent colonialism or imperialism. They'll say things like the citizens of colonial America rebelled against imperialism - revolting against the British Empire. Don't you, for a moment, let such facts dissuade you. We know that words matter. And the word "colonial" is offensive. That is all that matters today.

Some will argue we owe a debt of gratitude to George Washington. They'll say that, in spite of Washington's sins, he nevertheless did many great things for the country -- things that we should honor him for. Don't you believe it. Don't you listen to it. Those voices can be ignored or silenced. They represent nothing more than verbal violence from a racist, sexist, homophobic patriarchy. You know better.

Others will say that George Washington grew as a person, that he ultimately came to realize slavery was wrong. This is of course true. Even many African Americans of Washington's day recognized this and hailed him as a hero for all the good he did for America. But none of that matters. George Washington didn't progress far enough or fast enough. His conscience just wasn't up to the standards of today's social justice activists -- people like you. And thank God - oh, sorry, thank Heaven - oh, I mean, thank whatever Higher Power or Entity or Belief System which doesn't offend you - that you are here today to make sure we don't make the mistake of honoring any historical figure that we shouldn't. We have you and your generation to let us know which men and women are worthy of grace, forgiveness, honor and/or gratitude - and George Washington clearly doesn't merit any of those considerations.

I look forward to your continued leadership as we march - can I use that word? It's kind of martial, maybe a little hierarchical - forward on the road to Social Justice.

Sincerely,

Brian Tubbs

p.s. Actually.... I'm not that "woke." If you voted against George Washington, do the rest of us a favor. Leave the United States of America. We're better off without you. Thanks be to God for truly courageous American heroes like George Washington - a man none of you are worthy to even mention! God bless America!

Monday, February 18, 2019

Fox & Friends Has Interesting Segment on The American Revolution

Thanks to "Fox & Friends" for running this interesting segment on the American Revolution from The Museum of the American Revolution.  (One complaint: It's not "Presidents Day." It's George Washington's Birthday, Observed). Check it out at the link below...

https://video.foxnews.com/v/6003400106001/

Happy George Washington Day!

Move Presidents Day to January 20: Let George Washington Have His Own Holiday (Again)

Here we are at the most worthless, meaningless holiday of the year: Presidents Day.  That's the official name of the holiday in some states, but still not with the federal government. Nevertheless, the general public has fully embraced "Presidents Day." And, in so doing, we undermine the man who made all our other Presidents, indeed our very country, possible.

The United States officially and explicitly honors just two people with their own exclusive holiday. (Three if you count Jesus of Nazareth for "Christmas," but that's for another discussion). Those two are Christopher Columbus (Columbus Day) and Martin Luther King, Jr (Martin Luther King Day). Whether we should celebrate Columbus Day is a debate worthy of its own attention, and it's one I've already weighed in on. As for Dr. King, I fully support a holiday in his honor.

Dr. King led America toward fulfilling the promise in its Declaration of Independence, namely that "all men are created equal." As Dr. King himself so eloquently declared at the Lincoln Memorial in his famous "I Have a Dream" speech in 1963, the Founding Fathers issued a "promissory note" to future generations. King's words still resonate today:

"...we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was the promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

Martin Luther King, Jr. deserves his own holiday, but he is not the only American citizen that should get his own day. There are others. And I would submit that the father of the United States would be such a man.

Some will of course protest that Abraham Lincoln, our sixteenth President, deserves a national holiday. I agree. Let Lincoln have his own holiday. It's questionable whether our politicians will ever go for this, given the proximity that Lincoln and Washington have on the calendar - both their birthdays are in February. But I completely agree with the argument that Abraham Lincoln deserves holiday recognition. But I do not agree that honoring Lincoln means Washington should have to surrender his day.

For those who say we should have a holiday honoring all our Presidents or for those who don't want to have to stop saying "Presidents Day," I have a solution: Make January 20 (which is Inauguration Day every four years) an annual holiday celebrating the office of the presidency. It doesn't have to be an actual day off work, except for when there is an actual inauguration, but January 20 can be known every year as "Presidents Day." And that way, Washington can have back his holiday.

There was a time when most Americans would agree that George Washington is worthy of singular, exclusive celebration. Today, it seems most Americans don't even care. And this is sad, given the fact that we wouldn't even have a country today were it not for George Washington.

Without Washington leading the Continental Army, the American Revolution would've been lost. Without Washington holding his army together and keeping them from revolting during the dangerous interval between the victory at Yorktown (1781) and the Treaty of Paris (1783), the American Revolution would've collapsed into a military coup and major civil unrest. Without Washington presiding over the Constitutional Convention and then supporting the new Constitution, the United States would've sputtered into oblivion and ultimately disintegrated under the ineffectual Articles of Confederation. Without Washington keeping the country together as its first President and putting in place the practical foundation of our civil government, the United States never would've gotten off the ground.

I could go on and on. Washington flatly refused offers to become king or dictator. He resigned his commission at war's end when he could've continued as Commander-in-Chief and exerted monumental leverage (if not outright control) in the affairs of government. After the new Constitution was ratified and he was elected (unanimously) as President, he served two terms and then refused to remain President in perpetuity. He voluntarily relinquished authority not once, but twice. He is alone among leaders in world history in this regard. And Washington renounced, as the Rev. Richard Allen said, "the only stain with which man could reproach him" by freeing his slaves in his will. (See Allen's eulogy here). He was the only slave-holding President to do so, and in essence made his last public statement a denunciation of slavery. Like I said, I could go on and on.

George Washington was, in every respect, the indispensable man of American history. And he more than deserves every monument erected to him and every school or street or building named after him. He deserves Washington State as well as the nation's capital being named in his honor. He deserves to be on our dollar bill and our quarter. And, yes, he deserves a holiday named exclusively in his honor.

Yes, I'm aware that the legal name of the federal holiday designated for the third Monday in February is George Washington's Birthday Observed, but that is no longer the name that is recognized by the general public.

And it's a travesty. We have betrayed the man who made our country possible.

I can't put it any better than the sixteenth President of the United States. In 1842, a young Abraham Lincoln was invited to speak at the Washington Temperance Society on February 22 (the date of Washington's birthday under the Gregorian calendar). Here is what Lincoln said:

"This is the one hundred and tenth anniversary of the birth-day of Washington. We are met to celebrate this day. Washington is the mightiest name of earth — long since mightiest in the cause of civil liberty; still mightiest in moral reformation. On that name, an eulogy is expected. It cannot be. To add brightness to the sun, or glory to the name of Washington, is alike impossible. Let none attempt it. In solemn awe pronounce the name, and in its naked deathless splendor, leave it shining on."

Indeed.

Happy George Washington Day!